ဗမာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမုိကေရစ႘ ပုံစံ

Burma and Consensus Model Form of Democracy

Ramarn G. Pyah

On the word of Aristotle man is by nature political animal. A man always forms a group, and the smallest group of a man is a family then a community and a state. Men create rules based on their beliefs in order to control its members in a community or state. A good rule or system will lead to a good result that can produce peace and equilibrium to a community or nation while a bad institution, on the other hand, will generate undesirable outcome which will cause imbalance and conflict. Let us focus on Switzerland and Burma or Myanmar which both several cleavages but different political systems. Switzerland is a democratic county; however, Burma is on the way to democracy.

What is democracy? A democracy is “the free and equal right of every person to participate in a system of government through electing representatives of the people and by the people.” In a democratic system every individual is granted “the right to vote, the right to be elected, the right of political leaders to compete for support and votes, freedom of association and expression, alternative sources of information and institutions for making public policies base on votes and other expressions of preference.”

A democracy can be run and defined in many ways. A democracy is a system that a majority rules a minority (majoritarian), it can be a practice of majority should rule and a minority should oppose like the British Westminster model; or, a democracy is a government not only by but also for the people, as American President Abraham Lincoln claimed. However, Arend Lijphart, 1999 defined two forms of democracies in his popular book, “Pattern of Democracy, and there are two forms of democracies in thirty-six countries in this world know as Westminster model and a consensus model. Westminster model is the British democratic system that excludes the losing party, a minority, in the decision-making process. It is majoritarian rule, which claim that the majority should rule and the minority should oppose (government by the majority of the people). British, New Zealand, Barbados, Canada, Australia, former British colonies in Asia, Africa and Caribbean have the Westminster model form of democracy.

There are ten characteristics in the Westminster model. It has concentration of executive power in single-party , cabinet dominance, two-party system, a majoritarian and disproportional system of election, interest group pluralism, a unitary and centralized form of government, a concentration legislative power in a unicameral legislature, constitutional flexibility, absence of judicial review and central bank controlled by the executive. Therefore, the Westminster model is appropriate for a country, which only has disagreement on socioeconomic issues due to a division among classes- working, middle and upper classes, but does not has cleavages among race, religion and ethnic groups. British, New Zealand, Barbados, Canada, Australia, former British colonies in Asia, Africa and Caribbean have the Westminster model form of democracy.

Another form of democracy is a consensus model, which includes the losing party or minority in the decision-making process. In contrast to Westminster model, a consensus model form of democracy has executive power sharing in broad coalition, executive-legislative balance of power, multi-party system, proportional representation, interest group corporatism, federal and decentralized government, strong bicameralism, constitutional rigidity, judicial review and a central bank independent. Due to it’s executive power sharing in a broad coalition, executive-legislative balance of power, multi-party system, proportional representation, federal and decentralized form of government and strong bicameralism, a consensus model form of democracy fits to a nation that has both racial cleavages and socio-economic issues. Switzerland, Belgium and European Union have a consensus model of democracy.

Switzerland is a plural society. It has religious cleavages, Protestant, Roman Catholic and Christianity. Such religious cleavages give rise to multi-party system, Christian Democrat, Social Democrat and Radical Democrat. Switzerland has a federal and decentralized form government and the state power is divided between the central government and the local governments in twenty cantons and six half-cantons. Switzerland parliament consists of two houses, the upper house and the lower house (Bicameralism). The members of the upper house or Council of State were elected from twenty cantons, two representatives from each canton. The lower house or National Council represents the Swiss people while the upper house stands for the twenty cantons.

Burma is a plural society. It consists of seven divisions and seven states. It has eight major ethnic groups Burmese, Mon, Shan, Araken, Chin, Kachin, Karen, and Kayah, and they are ethnically, linguistically, ideologically and culturally divided. When Burma gained its independence from the British in 1948, Burmese leader installed a centralized one-party system government. Therefore, non-Burman groups took up arms and fought against the Burman-dominated government in 1947 before gaining independence from the British in 1948 because they wanted racial equality and their national self-determination.

Why does a transition of a democracy in Burma take too long? What are the roots causes of a democratic transition? In order to understand such political dilemmas, we need to study Burmese history, pre-colonial and pre-independence. We also have to examine how Burmese nationalists and socialist likes the late General Aung San, the Burmese dictator General Ne Win want the Burma to be. Burmese political dilemma can be explained by four different features, a forced unification of Burma by the Burmese leaders, the British divide and rule system, a nationalist and socialist leader like General Aung San and Stalinist General Ne Win.

Forced unification _ When they became strong, the Burmese leader always annexed its neighboring counties like Shan Plateau, Mon Land and Arakan land by force. In 1784, the Burmese leader Bo Daw Maung occupied Araken State by military force. Burmese aggressive leader Aung Zaya invaded the Mon land which is the lower part of Burma in 1757. In order to eliminate the Mon history, the Burmese leader conducted genocidal operation, killing thousands innocent Mon people, slaying thousands of Mon Buddhist learned monks and burning down Mon scriptures. The Mon, the Araken as well as the Shan still deny that they are part of Burma; therefore, they are struggling to gain their national self-determination.

British divide and rule system_ Burma completely fell under British colonial rule after the Third-Burmese Anglo war in (1885). According to Josef Silverstein, within the 122 years of British rule (1826-1948), Burma traditional ideas and attitude about power, authority were totally replaced by new values under the strong and the determined British secular’s rulers. The British separated the State from religion by rejecting Buddhist-based laws, rules, and decree and replacing them with Judeo-Christian ideas and values, and British customary law. Burma Buddhist kings are likely to exemplify the “ten royal virtues” (dasarajadhama). They suppose to have generosity, moral virtue, self-sacrifice, kindness, self-control, non-anger, nonviolence, patience, and righteousness. The British replaced the God-king with Secular Government by dethroning Burmese King, Thi Paw and replaced foreign governor under colonial rule instead. British replaced western liberal ideas in place of Buddhist-base laws, rules and decree by allowing new Burmese elite learned political ideas in school, via foreign literature, and local literature. Finally, in order to deepen and widen the physical and cultural divides among Burmese indigenous people, the British separated ministerial Burma from the Hill areas, for instance, the Shan Federal State in 1922.

Nationalist and socialist leader_ “A democracy is a system of colonizer.” This is the view of Burmese nationalist and socialist leaders, for instance, General Aung San who studies the writing of Karl Marx, Vladimir IIych Lenin, Josef Stalin, George Barnard Shaw, Sidney and Beatrice Webb. Many Burmese young leaders in the age of 1930s including national hero General Aung San had no interest in promoting democracy and constructing a federal state. Burmese national hero general Aung San was a nationalist and a socialist. In 1941 General Aung San wrote, “What we want is a strong state administration, as exemplified in Germany and Italy. There shall be only one nation, one state, one party, one leader. There shall be no parliamentary opposition, on nonsense of individualism.” Aung San also laid down his ideas of “Burmese democracy” and that is to nationalize the means of production, to provide workers’ rights and social insurance and to establish judicial system.

Such writing had clearly sent a message to all non-Burma ethnics that General Aung San had no intention to promote democracy and to construct a federal state which would grant racial equality and national-self determination to the non-Burma people. Therefore, since gaining an independence from the British in 1948, the Burma had been faced with political instabilities, armed conflict between the non-Burman ethnic groups that proposed to form a federal state and the Burmese leaders who wanted Burma to be a unitary state. Civil wars broke out for 50 years, and it killed thousands of soldiers and civilians.

In 1988, a student-led pro-democracy uprising broke out, demanding to a democratic form of government. The demonstration forced a dictator General Ne Win to resign from power, and the military known as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) controlled the state power instead. SPDC promised to hold election according to a democratic rule then general election was held in 1990 May 27. In the election, National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Su Kyi won 82 percent of votes. Instead of handed the state power over to the winning party (NLD), the SPDC detained NLD’s leaders and responded with rallying cries as “ Oppose ax handles who rely on external elements, act as stooges hand hold negative views.”

The intention of the Burmese leaders including national hero General Aung San, a dictator General Ne Win and the current repressive regime to construct Burma as a unitary state is totally an error and it contributes to the 50 years long civil war between ethnic resistant groups and the Burmese military. It gives rise to the anti-government movements, pro-democracy uprisings in which thousands of students were shot to death while thousands were jailed without trail. It also generates economic hardship that forced millions people have to flee into Thailand, Malaysia while millions have to stay under United Nations assistances.

Stalinist dictatorship, General Ne Win and Burmese successive regime_ According to Bernard (1996) Stalinism, which undermines all self-organized forms of intermediate public organization is the root cause of un-civil society in Soviet.

There are two reasons (atomization, strong tie), which cause discourteous society in Russia. Bahry and Silver stated that totalitarianism undermines civil society by means of atomization, which produces mistrustfulness and isolation among the people so it is easy for dictator to control its people. Mondak and Gearing, emphasize that people need to interact each other in order to reach their common good and to build a civil society. Another reason is “Strong tie,” which means the atomization of small group, not an individual. Such atomization also generates mistrustfulness and separation among small groups contributes to the decline of civil society. Granovetter argued that any government which attempt to make democratic transition need a “weak-tie” society because such society encourage the people to participate in the This excerpt is very good because free expression and free association are essential components of democracy and in a trust-building process and only in a “weak-tie” society can produce such expression and free association while “strong-tie” society can not.

Similarly, in 1962, Ne Win took over state power through coup d’état from the democratic elected Premier U Nu formed a unitary state with Burmese Socialist Program Party

(BSPP). In 1974, instead of offering national self-determination to the indigenous people like Mon, Arakan, Shan, dictator Ne Win created Mon, State, Arakan State, Karen State. Furthermore, the successive Burmese regime divided indigenous people into 135 different groups so it is easy for the government to control it people. By doing so Burma becomes “strong tie” society as if in Soviet; therefore, the people less interact to each other in order to reach common good and build a society.

In order to end armed conflicts, avoid mass uprising, to eliminate mistrust among each other and to create economic growth for a good living for the Burmese citizens, the Burmese repressive regime should install a democracy and form a federal state rather than a unitary state.

Of the two forms of democracy, Westminster and consensus models, I would strongly propose a consensus model form of democracy to Burma, a nation with plural society, which has racial, linguistic, cultural and ideological cleavages. Consensus model form of democracy that has a federal and decentralized form of government, multi-party system, bicameral legislature and proportional representation

If Burma has multi-party system, it will grant racial equality to all ethnic groups in Burma. The two party-system of Westminster model is appropriate for a country or any country which only has disagreement on socioeconomic issues due to a division among classes- working, middle and upper classes, but doesn’t has cleavages among race, religion and ethnic groups.

The two-party system offers voters a clear choice between two alternative sets of public policies, and they have to compete for swing voters in the center of political spectrum. For example, the Labor party and Conservative party in England and Republican and Democratic party in the United States. The swing voters do not vote for the party but the party policy which is best to country. However, neither a single party nor a two party-systems, is appropriate for a country or any country like Burma, which has both cleavages among race, religion, speaking language, ethnic background and socioeconomic issues.

Burma has eight ethnic nationalities, known as Burmese (majority), Mon, Karen, Kachin, Shan, Araken, Kayar and Karen. Except Burmese (majority), every ethnic want to have a political party which is able to work on their behalf. Every ethnic party would have a right to make policy that will benefit to their people.

If Burma has a federal and decentralized form of government, the ethnic minorities would get political equalities. Since Burma gains its independence from British in 1948, the majority, Burmese sets up a unitary and centralized form of government with their ethnocentric rule. That is the root cause of the 56 years long civil war between Burmese dominant government and ethnic resistance groups and such war will keep on going unless Burma has a federal and decentralized form of government. Under a federal and decentralized government, state powers are divided between the central government and local governments. A central government would hold major power like military, currency, foreign affair and trade while the local government should have the power to freedom of education, religion, taxation, transportation, media and press….

Bicameral legislature _ Burma is plural society and the majority people are Burmese. In most democratic country, it needs only 50+1 votes in order to pass bills or legislatures. So, without the upper house, which is differently elected but has power as mush as lower as if Switzerland, it is very easy for Burmese majority to pass legislature according to their will. Burma parliament should consist of two houses with equal legislative power, the upper house and the lower house. Like selecting the senate in the US, Burma upper house member should be selected from each ethnic group with equal numbers. So, the upper house can control majority Burmese people not to pass legislation according to their wills. Members’ of Burma lower house should be proportionally selected.

In conclusion, only a consensus model form of democracy will grant equalities in race, religion, and culture to every ethnic group and no ethnic group will be excluded from decision-marking process. The fundamental meaning of democracy is that “all who are affected by a decision should have a chance to participate in the decision-making process,” Sir Arthur Lewis.

References;

Mary P. Callahan, 1998. “Burma: Prospects for a Democratic Future.” The Democratic era

Mary P. Callahan, 1998. “Burma: Prospects for a Democratic Future.” The problem of the democratic era.

Josef Silverstein, 1998. “Burma: Prospects for a Democratic Future.” The political cultural of the non-Burman

Arend Lijphart, 1999. “Pattern of democracy.” The consensus model form of democracy. pp 31-40

Arend Lijphart, 1999. “Pattern of democracy.” The Westminster model form of democracy.” pp 1-30

Arend Lijphart, 1999, “Thirty-six democracies.” pp 48

Robert I. Rotberg, 1998. “Burma: Prospects for a democratic Burma.”

E.H Carr, 1981. “The twenty years’ crisis.” The nature of politic. pp 91

Okkar, “Union of Myanmar.” The length of border with immediate neighboring countries.

Marcus E. Ethirdg, 2002. “The political research experience.” Pp 188-186

Daniel L. Smith-Christopher. “Subverting Hatred.” The challenge of Nonviolence in religious traditions. pp- 34-35

http://www.arakan.org

http://www.mrc-usa.org

http://www.shanland.org

အခရြန္မြန္လူမ်ိဳးအဖြဲ႔ အစည္း

Loading...

မြန္ေနာက္ခံသမုိင္းေၾကာင္

ေနာက္ခံ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းႏွင္႔ ေပၚေပါက္လာပံု


 သမုိင္းမတင္မီေခတ္

မြန္ခမာ အုပ္စုဝင္ မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားသည္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာသမုိင္းမတင္မီေခတ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာက တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ ယန္စီက်န္ျမစ္ဝွမ္း (Yangtze Kiang) မွ ေတာင္ဘက္သုိ႕ တျဖည္းျဖည္း ဆင္းသက္လာၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းသုိ႕ အရင္ဆုံး ဆလုံ နွင့္ မေလးတုိ႕ ဝင္ေရာက္လာၿပီးေနာက္ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုဝင္ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ဝင္ေရာက္လာၾကသည္။ ထုိသူတုိ႕မွာ ဆလုံမေလးအုပ္စုဝင္တုိ႕ထံမွ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအခ်က္အလက္ မ်ားကုိ ယူေဆာင္လာၾကသည္။ သီးႏွံအျဖစ္ စပါး၊ ႏွံစား ေျပာင္း၊ ပဲႀကီး၊ ပဲလြန္း၊ ႀကံ၊ ပိန္းဥ၊ ေမ်ာက္ဥ၊ ေက်ာက္ဖ႐ုံႏွင့္ ဗူး စေသာအသီးအႏွံမ်ား စုိက္ပ်ဳိးပုံလကၡဏာ႐ွိခ့ဲဲသည္။
လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀၀၀ ခန္႕အခါမွပင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းသုိ႕ ေရာက္႐ွိေနထုိင္ေသာ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ ေ႐ွ႕ေျပး လူမ်ဳိးတုိ႕ စုိက္ပ်ဳိးေရးကုိ လုပ္ကုိင္လာၾကသည္။ ထုိ႕ေနာက္ ေတာင္ယာစုိက္ပ်ဳိးမႈသာမက ေျမျပန္႕တြင္လည္း ထြန္ယက္စုိက္ ပ်ဳိးလာၾကသည္။ ေ႐ွးအခါက စုိက္ပ်ဳိးေရးလုပ္ကုိင္မႈကုိ အေျချပဳ၍ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေသာ ႐ြာတည္း ဟူေသာအုပ္စုဝင္မ်ားမွာ တျဖည္းျဖည္း က်ယ္ျပန္႕လာ၍ ႐ြာႀကီးမ်ား ျဖစ္လာ၏။ ၎မွတဆင့္ ၿမိဳ႕မ်ား ၎တုိ႕ကုိ စု႐ုံးလွ်က္ ႏုိင္ငံငယ္မ်ား စတင္ေပၚ ေပါက္ခဲ့၏။ ၎တုိ႕မွာ လူမ်ဳိးအလုိက္ ေခၚေသာ ႏုိင္ငံငယ္ကေလးမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾက၏။
၎တုိ႕ဝတ္စားဆင္ယင္မႈမွာလည္း ေက်ာက္ေခတ္လူသားတုိ႕၏ဝတ္စားဆင္ယင္မႈျဖစ္ေသာ သစ္႐ြက္၊ သစ္ခက္တုိ႔ကုိ ဝတ္ ဆင္ျခင္းမ႐ွိဘဲ လက္ပံပင္မွ ရ႐ွိေသာ လဲ၊ မႈိ႕ တုိ႕ကုိ ျပဳျပင္စီမံ၍ အဝတ္အထည္ ယက္လုပ္ဝတ္ဆင္ၾကသည့္လကၡဏာမ်ား ႐ွိ ခဲ့သည္။ ၎မွတဆင့္ ထုိအဝတ္အထည္မ်ားကုိ မဲနယ္ဆုိး၍ ဝတ္တတ္လာၾကသည္။ ဝါဂြမ္းကား မေပၚေသး။
ထုိ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုဝင္တုိ႕သည္ မိမိတုိ႕ထက္ အရင္ေရာက္႐ွိေနေသာ ဆလုံမေလးအႏြယ္ဝင္တုိ႕ႏွင့္ မိမိတုိ႕မ်ဳိးႏြယ္ တူေ႐ွ႕လူမ်ားကုိ ေတာင္ဘက္သုိ႕၎၊ လူအေရာက္ေပါက္နည္းေသာ ေတာေတာင္ေဒသသုိ႕ ၎၊ ေ႐ႊ႕ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္ေစရန္ ဖန္တီးခဲ့သည္။ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ေတာင္ဘက္ ျမစ္ဝကြၽန္းေပၚေဒသ ဝႏွင့္ပေလာင္အုပ္စုတုိ႕သည္ ေျမာက္ဘက္ ေတာင္မ်ားေပၚ တြင္ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕ေနထုိင္ရင္း မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုတုိ႕သည္ သီးျခားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ျဖစ္လာသည္။ ထုိစဥ္ကာလ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုတုိ႕သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတစ္ဝွမ္းလုံးကုိပင္ လႊမ္းမုိးခဲ့ၾကသည္ဟု ယူဆစရာ႐ွိသည္။
(မွတ္ခ်က္- မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ ေ႐ွ႕ေျပးလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားဆုိရာ၌ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ တုိ႕ထက္ ေစာစြာေရာက္႐ွိ၍ ၎တုိ႕ႏွင့္မ်ဳိးႏြယ္တူ မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ အမ်ဳိးခ်င္းတူေသာ္လည္း ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအဆင့္အတန္းတြင္ ကြာျခားလွသည္။ ၎လူမ်ဳိးတုိ႕ကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ တြင္ မေတြ႕ရေတာ့ေပ။ ဝင္ေရာက္ေ႐ြ႕ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္ရာတြင္ အျခား မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုဝင္ထက္ဦး၍ အာ႐ွတုိက္ ေတာင္ဘက္စြန္းသုိ႕ ေရာက္႐ွိေနၾကၿပီ။ ၎တုိ႕သည္ နီကုိဘာ ေခၚ နာဂဘာရီကြၽန္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ မေလးကြၽန္းဆြယ္အလယ္ ပုိင္း ေတာေတာင္မ်ားတြင္ ေနထုိင္သည့္ဆကုိင္းလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ပါဝင္ၾကသည္။ ၎တုိ႕ေရာက္႐ွိေသာအခ်ိန္မွာ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာအႏွစ္ ၂၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ခန္႕က ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ခန္႕မွန္းရသည္။ )
ထုိ႕ေၾကာင့္ ထုိေခတ္ကုိ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ ေခတ္ဟု ေခၚတြင္သုံးစြဲရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ မြန္၊ ပေလာင္၊ ဝ အုပ္စုဝင္တုိ႕ ျမန္မာ ျပည္အတြင္းသုိ႕ ေရာက္႐ွိလာေသာအခါ မိမိတုိ႕၏ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ပါလာခဲ့သည္။ ေရာက္႐ွိေသာေဒသ႐ွိ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကုိလည္း ဆက္ခံသျဖင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအဆင့္အတန္း အေတာ္အတန္ တုိးတက္လာခဲ့သည္။ ထုိ႕ျပင္ အိႏၵိယေတာင္ပုိင္းမွ လာေရာက္ေသာ အိႏိၵယတုိင္းရင္းသားကုန္သည္မ်ားႏွင့္ လည္း ကူးလူးဆက္ဆံရသျဖင့္ အိႏၵိယယဥ္ေက်းမႈကုိပါ ရ႐ွိခဲ့ပါသည္။ ၎တုိ႕ထံမွ ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာအယူဝါဒ၊ စာေရးသည့္အတတ္ပညာ၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈႏွင့္ေနထုိင္ဝတ္ဆင္မႈမ်ားကုိ နည္းယူၿပီး မိမိတုိ႕ကုိယ္ပုိင္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႏွင့္ သင့္ေတာ္သလုိ ျပင္ဆင္လက္ခံ၍ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအသြင္သုိ႕ ေျပာင္းလဲယူၾကသည္။ ၎ျပင္ ထူးျခား မွတ္သားဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာအခ်က္တစ္ရပ္မွာ ဟိႏၵဴအယူဝါဒ ေရာက္ၿပီးေနာက္၊ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ထြန္းေျပာင္လွ်က္႐ွိေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ေရာက္႐ွိလာသည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ေရာက္႐ွိလာေသာ ဗုဒၶသာသနာမွာ ေထရဝါဒဗုဒၶဘာသာ၊ ေတာင္ပုိင္းဗုဒၶဘာသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ ပထမေရာက္႐ွိလာေသာ ဟိႏၵဴအယူအဆကုိ စြန္႕ပစ္၍ ေထရဝါဒ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကုိ ခံယူသည္။ ေျမာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ မဟာယန၊ အရည္းႀကီးတုိ႕ သာသနာသာ ႐ွိေနေသးသည္။ မြန္တုိ႕ေဒသသည္ ဦးစြာပထမ ဗုဒၶဝါဒထြန္းလင္းခဲ့ေသာ ေဒသ ျဖစ္သည္။
 သမုိင္းတင္ေခတ္အစ၊ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ 

သမုိင္းတင္ေခတ္ဦးတြင္ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ကုန္လုပ္ဆက္ဆံေရး တုိးတက္လာသည္ႏွင့္အမွ် ေအာက္ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ တြင္ မြန္ႏုိင္ငံကုိ တည္ေထာင္ေၾကာင္း ေတြ႕႐ွိရသည္။ ၎မွာ သုဝဏၰဘုံမိ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာေဗဒအရ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ၾသစႀတိဳေအ႐တစ္အႏြယ္ တြင္ ပါဝင္္သည္။ သမုိင္းဦးဘုံေျမေခတ္၊ ေက်ာက္ေခတ္ေႏွာင္းကာလ (ဘီစီ -၂၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္) ေလာက္ကတည္းက သူတုိ႕ သည္ လယ္ယာစုိက္ပ်ဳိးမႈအတတ္ကုိ တတ္သိနားလည္ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ခဲ့သည္။ စပါးစုိက္ပ်ဳိး၍ ျဖစ္ထြန္းႏုိင္ေသာအေ႐ွ႕ေတာင္ အာ႐ွျမစ္ဝွမ္းေဒသမ်ားသုိ႕လူဦးေရ တုိးတက္မ်ားျပားလာသည့္မြန္၊ ခမာ မ်ဳိးႏြယ္ကြဲဝင္တုိ႕ တစတစ ေ႐ြ႕ေေျပာင္းေနထုိင္ ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ဤသုိ႕ျဖင့္ သူတုိ႕သည္ ဒုတိယမူရင္းေဒသဟု ဆုိရမည့္ဗီယက္နန္ျပည္ ျမစ္နီျမစ္ဝွမ္းကြၽန္းေေပၚေဒသ၊ ယခုအခါ ကေမၻာဒီးယား မဲေခါင္ျမစ္ဝွမ္းကြၽန္းေပၚေဒသ၊ ယုိးဒယားေတာင္ပုိင္္း ေခ်ာင္ဖ်ရာ မဲနန္ေဒသ၊ ယင္းမွတဆင့္ စစ္ေတာင္း၊ သံလြင္၊ ဂ်ဳိင္းျမစ္ဝွမ္းကြၽန္းေပၚေဒသသုိ႕ ေျပာင္းေ႐ႊ႕လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။ မြန္၊ ခမာ အႏြယ္ကြဲဝင္ တုိ႕သည္ အဆုိပါျမစ္နီျမစ္ဝွမ္းမွ အိႏၵိယႏုိင္ငံ အာသံျပည္နယ္၊ ျဗဟၼပုတၲရျမစ္ဝွမ္းႏွင့္ ဂဂၤါျမစ္ဝွမ္းေဒသ မ်ားသုိ႕လည္း ေရာက္႐ွိခဲ့သည္။
မြန္တုိ႕သည္ သုဝဏၰဘုံမိ (သထုံ) ၿမဳိ႕ကုိ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္အျဖစ္ ျပဳလုပ္စုိးစံေနထုိင္ၾကေသာ မြန္ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုကုိ၎၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံနယ္ စပ္ႏွင့္နယ္ျခားစပ္လွ်က္႐ွိေသာယုိးဒယား (ထုိင္း) ျပည္၏ေျမာက္ပုိင္းတခြင္ႏွင့္ ေတာင္ပုိင္းတလႊားတုိ႕ကုိ ႀကီးစုိးလႊမ္းမုိး ေနသည့္မြန္ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုကုိ၎ ထူေထာင္ထားၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုအခါ ယုိးဒယား (ထုိင္း) ႏုိင္ငံအျဖစ္ နယ္နိမိတ္သတ္မွတ္ ထားသည့္ေျမေပၚတြင္ အဆုိပါမြန္ျပည္ႏွစ္ျပည္ကုိ ထူေထာင္ထားၾကရာ ေတာင္ပုိင္းမြန္ႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဒြါရဝတီဟု ေခၚ၏။ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ မွာ ေလာ့ပူရီ (LOP BURI ) ျဖစ္သည္၊ ေလာ့ပူရီၿမိဳ႕ကား ယခုတုိင္ ႐ွိေနေသး၏။ ေျမာက္ပုိင္းမြန္ႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဟရိဘုဥၨ ေခၚၾက သည္။ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္မွာ လမ္ဖုန္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဤၿမိဳ႕သည္လည္း ဇင္းမယ္ၿမိဳ႕၏ေတာင္ယြန္းအရပ္၌ ယခုတုိင္ ႐ွိေသး၏။
မြန္၊ ခမာအႏြယ္ဝင္ မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားတုိ႕ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေအာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ေသာ သုဝဏၰဘူမိႏုိင္ငံ၏ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာ ေဒသၿမဳိ႕ေတာ္မွာ သထုံခ႐ုိင္ ဘီးလင္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ေကလာသေတာင္တဝိုက္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သုေတသီတုိ႕က ခန္႕မွန္းၾကသည္။ ယင္းေဒသတြင္ မြန္လူမ်ဳိးတုိ႕အေျခစုိက္၍ ၿမိဳ႕ျပထီးနန္း တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့သည္၊ (ယခုအခါ ၎ေဒသကုိ ေ႐ွ႕ေဟာင္းသုေတ သနဌာနမွ စတင္တူးေဖၚ၍ သုေတသနျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး ျဖစ္၍ ျပည့္စုံေသာအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ေနာက္ထပ္ေတြ႕႐ွိလာမည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ရသည္။)
သုဝဏၰဘူမိသည္ မြန္တုိ႕ဌာေနျဖစ္ေသာ ရာမညေဒသကုိ အမည္ေပးထားသည္ဟုလည္း ဆုိႏုိင္သည္။ ယင္းမွာ မူလအားျဖင့္ စစ္ေတာင္းႏွင့္သံလြင္ျမစ္ႏွစ္္သြယ္ၾကားေဒသ ျဖစ္သည္။ ရာမညေဒသ ဆုိသည္မွာ လည္း ေခတ္လယ္ မြန္တုိ႕က မိမိတုိ႕ကုိ ေခၚေသာ “ မာန္” ဟူေသာ အမည္မွ ဆင္းသက္လာျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
ေ႐ွးႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာက ယင္းေဒသ (သုဝဏၰဘူမိ) သည္ ပင္လယ္ဆိပ္ကမ္းတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သံသယ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေခ်၊ ယခု မုတၲမေတာင္တန္း၏အေနာက္ဘက္လြင္ျပင္မွာ ေ႐ွးယခင္က ပင္လယ္ေရမ်ား လႊမ္းေနခဲ့သည္၊ ထုိစဥ္က ပင္လယ္ကမ္းစပ္ သည္ အရက္သည္မ ( တုိက္ကုလား) ႐ြာျဖစ္ေသာ ေကလာသ ေတာင္ေျခအထိ ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္၊ ယခု အရက္သည္မ႐ြာ ႏွင့္ သထုံၿမိဳ႕ေနရာတုိ႕မွ ေလးျမွားမ်ား၊ ေက်ာက္ႀကိဳး မ်ား ႏုိင္ငံျခားသေဘၤာမ်ား၏အပုိင္းအစမ်ားကို တူးေဖၚရ႐ိွွခဲ့ဘူးသည္။
မဟာရာဇဝင္ႀကီး၌ ဘုရားသခင္ထင္႐ွား႐ွိစဥ္က အာေသာက ဓမၼရာဇာ မင္းျပဳ၏၊ သထုံရာဇာဝင္က်မ္းေဟာင္း တြင္မူ သထုံ၌ သီဟရာမင္း မွစ၍ မႏူဟာမင္းအထိတုိင္ စုိးစံသည္ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထား၏။
သုဝဏၰဘူမိ (ေခၚ) သထုံၿမိဳ႕တည္ေထာင္သည့္ခုႏွစ္ႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ တိတိက်က် မ႐ွိလွေပ။ မြန္၊ ျမန္မာ ရာဇာဝင္မ်ားတြင္မူ ဘီစီ-၁၇- ရာစုအတြင္းက တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။
သုဝဏၰဘူမိႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ ေခါမ ပထဝီ႐ွင္ ေတာ္လမီက၊ “ ေဗင္စင္ဂ”ဟုေခၚေသာ မုတၲမ ပင္လယ္ေကြ႕ ကမ္း႐ုိးတန္းတေလွ်ာက္တြင္ အရပ္ပု၍ ႀကံ့ံခုိင္ေသာလူၾကမ္းမ်ား ေနထုိင္ၾကသည္၊ သူတုိ႕သည္ မူရင္းတုိင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္ေသာ ၾသစ ႀတိဳနီး႐ွင္းမ်ား၊ ျမန္မာစာေပေလာကတြင္ ဘီးလူးဟု ေခၚတြင္ေသာလူမ်ား ျဖစ္တန္ရာသည္။ မြန္၊ ခမာ အႏြယ္စုတုိ႕ ေရာက္လာေသာအခါ မခုခံႏုိင္၍ ၎တုိ႕သည္ ပင္လယ္႐ွိကြၽန္းမ်ား ေပၚသုိ႕ ဆုတ္ခြာသြားခဲ့ရသည္။
ေျမ႐ွင္ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္လယ္တြင္ မႏူဟာမင္း (မကုတ) မတုိင္မီ မြန္ဘုရင္မ်ား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေသာ သုဝဏၰဘူမိ သထုံျပည္ သည္ အင္အားေတာင့္တင္းလွ်က္ ႐ွိသည္၊ သထုံတြင္ မြန္လူဦးေရ မ်ားျပားလာသျဖင့္ “ဟံသာဝတီ ( ပဲခူး ) ”၊ တြံေတးၿမိဳ႕ အေ႐ွ႕ဘက္႐ွိ “ၾကဗင္း”ၿမိဳ႕မ်ား တည္္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ စုစည္းေသာအင္အားႀကီးႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုအျဖစ္ မတည္ေထာင္ ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေသးေပ။
သုဝဏၰဘူမိတြင္ မြန္တုိ႕၏ မိ႐ုိးဖလာ ကုိးကြယ္မႈအျပင္ အိႏၵိယမွ ဗိႆႏုိး ကုိးကြယ္သည့္ ျဗဟၼဏဝါဒႏွင့္ ဗုဒၶဝါဒကုိ သက္ဝင္ ယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ ျဗဟၼဏဝါဒမွာ ေမွးမွိန္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဗုဒၶဝါဒ ထြန္းေတာက္ခဲ့သည္။ သီဟရာဇာမင္း စုိးစံခ်ိန္တြင္ ၎၏ ေနာင္ေတာ္ အ႐ွင္ ဂဝံပတိေထရ္က ျမတ္စြာဘုရား ပရိနိဗၺာန္ျပဳေသာအခါ ဌာပနာသြားေတာ္ သုံးဆယ့္ႏွစ္ဆူ ပင့္ေဆာင္ၿပီး အႏွစ္ ၆၀ တုိင္တုိင္ ပူေဇာ္ခဲ့သည္ကုိ သထုံရာဇဝင္က်မ္း ေဟာင္းတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ အာေသာကမင္းႀကီး လက္ထက္ တြင္လည္း အ႐ွင္ေသာဏ ႏွင့္ အ႐ွင္ဥတၲရ တုိ႕ သာသနာျပဳခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေတြ႕ရွိရသည္။ ထုိအခ်ိန္တြင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ ေျမာက္ပုိင္း၌ အရည္းႀကီး မဟာယနအယူသာ ႐ွိ၏။
သုဝဏၰႏုိင္ငံသားတုိ႕သည္ သာသနိက ဆုိင္ရာအေဆာက္အဦးမ်ား၊ ၿမိဳ႕႐ုိးခံတပ္ စသည္တုိ႕ကုိ ဂဝံေက်ာက္ မ်ားျဖင့္ ေကာင္း မြန္စြာ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထုိေၾကာင့္ ထုိေခတ္တြင္ ဂဝံေက်ာက္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈတစ္ရပ္ ေပၚထြန္းလာေၾကာင္း မွတ္တမ္း တင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါအရ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ဘီစီ ၂၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကစ၍ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္အစ ေလာ့ဗူရီ၊ လမ္ဖုန္း၊ သုဝဏၰဘူမိ၊ ဟံသာဝတီ( ပဲခုူး)ႏွင့္ ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္မ်ားတြင္ ေရးထုိးခဲ့ေသာေက်ာက္စာတဆင့္စီ ကူးယူခဲ့ေသာ ေပစာ၊ ပုရပုိဒ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ယခုတုိင္ ပုံႏွိပ္အသုံးျပဳေနေသာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ မွတ္တမ္းမ်ား၊ ၎ႏွင့္ပက္သက္ေသာ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားက မြန္အမ်ဳိး သားတုိ႕တြင္ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာႏွင့္ ျပည့္စုံေသာ၊ က်ယ္ျပန္႕ေသာနယ္ေျမကုိ ပုိင္ဆုိင္အုပ္စုိးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရွိႏုိင္သည္။ စီးပြား ေရးအရလည္း သမုိင္း သုေတသီတုိ႕မွ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ခဲ့သည့္အတုိင္း လယ္ယာစီးပြားေရးကုိ လုပ္ကုိင္ၾကသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ မြန္တုိ႕ဌာနီရာမညေဒသသည္လည္း ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္မ်ားတြင္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္မ်ား ဦးစီးဦးေဆာင္ျပဳၾက သည့္မြန္တုိ႕ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေထာင္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ (ဘီစီ ၂၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္)ကစၿပီး လူမ်ဳိးႀကီးတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ တည္႐ွိခဲ့သည္။
“A nation is a historically evolved stable Community of Language, Territory, Economic life and Psychological make up manifesto in a Community of culture.”
“လူမ်ဳိးဆုိသည္မွာ ရာဇဝင္အရ ေပၚေပါက္ျဖစ္လာၿပီး တည္တံ့ေသာစကား၊ စာေပ၊ နယ္ေျမ၊ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ထုံးတမ္းစဥ္လာေတြႏွင့္ ဦးၫြတ္စြာ ႐ွိေသာလူစုလူေဝးကုိ ေခၚသည္။ ထုိ႕ေၾကာင့္ မြန္သည္ ( Race tribe ) စေသာ အဆင့္တူမ်ားပူးေပါင္းထားျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲလူမ်ဳိးတစ္မ်ဳိး၏ဂုဏ္အဂၤါႏွင့္ျပည့္စုံေသာလူမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းထင္႐ွားသည္။

 ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္္ မြန္ဘာသာ၊ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေျခအေန 

မြန္တုိ႕၏ အမ်ိဳးသားစာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကုိ ေလ့လာလွ်င္ စာေပစတင္ေပၚေပါက္ေသာပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္မွ စတင္ရပါမည္္။ ထုိေခတ္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မွာ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕၏ဘဝရပ္တည္ေရးႏွင့္ ဂုဏ္႐ိွန္ အနိမ့္အျမင့္သည္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕၏အာဏာကုိ စုိးပုိင္ထားေသာ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္တုိ႕၏အေပၚတြင္သာတည္သည္။ ယခုေခတ္သုံးစကားႏွင့္ဆုိလွ်င္ မြန္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႕၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမႈေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ားသည္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ လက္ဝယ္ တည္မွီေနသည္။
လူမ်ိဳးတမ်ိဳးသည္ မိမိတုိ႕၏အမ်ိဳး၊ စာေပ၊ စကား၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဓေလ့ထုံးစံမ်ားကုိ ျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ထိန္းသိမ္း ရန္မွာ ၎လူမ်ိဳး တုိ႕၏အမ်ိဳးသားလုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္အာဏာ သုိ႕မဟုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာေပၚတြင္ တည္ေနသည္။ ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္တြင္ မြန္ပေဒ သရာဇ္မ်ားအာဏာ႐ွိမႈ၊ မ႐ွိမႈေပၚတြင္ တည္ေနသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရသည္။
ေအဒီ ၁၀၄၇ မြန္ဘုရင္ မႏူဟာမင္းလက္ထက္တြင္ ျမန္မာဘုရင္ အေနာ္ရထာမင္းလက္ထက္ မႏူဟာဘုရင္ အား သုဝဏၰဘူမိမွ ဖမ္းဆီး၍ ပုဂံသုိ႕ ယူေဆာင္အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားသည္။ ၎ႏွင့္အတူ မြန္ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား၊ မြန္ဗိသုကာမ်ား၊ မြန္စာေပပုရပုိဒ္မ်ားကုိ ယူေဆာင္သြားသည္။ ေက်းကြၽန္အျဖစ္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားစြာ တို႕ကုိလည္း ဖမ္းဆီးသြားသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ မြန္ဘာသာျဖင့္ ေရးသားထားေသာ ေထရဝါဒ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ စာေပမ်ားကုိ ပင့္ေဆာင္သြားသည္။ မြန္တုိ႕ဌာနီ သုဝဏၰဘူမိ (သထုံ)သည္ ျမန္မာ ဘုရင္လက္္ေအာက္္သုိ႕ က်ေရာက္သြားသည္။ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ ႏုိင္ငံသည္ ျမန္မာပေဒသရာဇ္ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းလိုက္သျဖင့္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ ႏုိင္ငံ ကြယ္ေပ်ာက္သြားသည္။ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ မ႐ွိသည့္ေနာက္ မြန္စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အရွိန္ေမွးမွိန္လာသည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ မြန္စာေပသည္ ျမန္မာစာေပ တုိးခ်႕ဲေရးအတြက္ ေနရာရခ့ဲသည္။ ျမန္မာစာေပအေရးအသားကုိလည္း မြန္စာ ေပအေရးသားမွ အတုယူၿပီး ျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။ မြန္စာေပျဖင့္ ေရးသားထားေသာ ဗုဒၶစာေပကုိလည္း မြန္တုိ႕ထံမွတဆင့္ ကူးယူျပန္ဆုိသည့္ ပုဂံတြင္ ႐ွိေသာ မဟာယန အယူဝါဒမွ ေထရဝါဒသုိ႕ ေျပာင္းလဲလာသည္။ အုတ္ျဖင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ေသာ သာသနိက အေဆာက္အဦး မ်ားကုိလည္း မြန္ဗိသုကာမ်ားက ေဆာက္လုပ္ေပးရသည္မွာ ယခုထက္တုိင္႐ွိေသာပုဂံေ႐ွးေဟာင္း ဘုရားမ်ားက သက္ေသထူလွ်က္ ႐ွိသည္။
ေအဒီ - ၁၂၈၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ မြန္ဘုရင္ဝါရီ႐ူ ေအာက္ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ႐ွိ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕ကုိ စုစည္းၿပီး မုတၲမတြင္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ ႏိုင္ငံကုိ တည္ေထာင္ျပန္သည္။ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၄၀ မွ် မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ မ့ဲရာမွ ေခါင္း ေဆာင္သစ္ ဝါရီ႐ူကုိ ရ႐ွိခ့ဲသည္။ ဝါရီ႐ူမင္းဆက္ ဆင္ျဖဴ႐ွင္ ဗညားဦးလက္ထက္၊ ေအဒီ - ၁၃၇၀ တြင္ (သမလ၊ ဝိမလ ညီေနာင္တုိ႕၏ ေအဒီ - ၅၇၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တည္ေထာင္ခ့ဲၿပီး ေအဒီ - ၁၀၄၃ - ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္တြင္ အေနာ္ရထာဘုရင္ေအာက္ ေရာက္သြားေသာ) ဟံသာဝတီ (ပဲခူး) မြန္ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကုိ ျပန္လည္တည္ေထာင္ၿပီး မင္းေနျပည္ေတာ္အျဖစ္ စုိးစံသည္။ ထုိအခ်ိန္တြင္ မြန္စာေပအေရးအသားမ်ား ျဖစ္ေသာ၊ ကဗ်ာ၊ လကာၤ၊ ဝတၴဳ အေရးအသားမ်ားသည္ ဗုဒၶစာေပႏွင့္မွီး၍ ေပၚ ေပါက္လာသည္၊ သုိ႕ေသာ္ ဆင္ျဖဴ႐ွင္ ဗညားဦး လြန္လွ်င္ သားေတာ္ ရာဇာဓိရာဇ္ (ေအဒီ - ၁၃၈၅ -၁၄၂၃) သည္ ဟံသာဝတီ (ပဲခူး)တြင္ ထီးနန္းစုိက္ၿပီး မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ ဦးေဆာင္ခ့ဲသည္။ ရာဇာဓိရာဇ္သည္ လက္႐ုံးရည္၊ ႏွလုံးရည္႐ွိ ေသာ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသား ပေဒသရာဇ္ သူရဲေကာင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ အစဥ္လႈပ္႐ွားတုိက္ခုိက္မႈ၊ ျမန္မာပေဒသရာဇ္မ်ားႏွင့္အစဥ္လက္႐ုံး ရည္ၿပိဳင္ခ့ဲသည့္အတြက္ ျမန္မာဘုရင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၄၀ နီးပါး (၁၃၈၆ - ၁၄၂၅) ျပည္သူ႕တုိ႕အက်ိဳးစီးပြားမပါေသာ စစ္ပြဲ မ်ားကုိ ခင္းက်င္းခ့ဲသည္။ စစ္ေၾကာင့္ လယ္ယာစီးပြားေရး၊ စာေပမ်ား မတုိးတက္ဘဲ ဆုတ္ယုတ္သြားသည္။ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ ေအာက္႐ွိ ျပည္သူမ်ားမွာလည္း စစ္တုိက္ေနရ၍ ပင္ပန္းေနၾကသည္။ အႏွစ္ - ၄၀ မွ်၊ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမူကုိ ျပန္လည္ျပဳစုတုိးခ်ဲ႕ရန္ အခ်ိန္မရ ျဖစ္ခ့ဲရသည္။
အႏွစ္ - ၄၀ စစ္ပြဲႀကီးၿပီးေနာက္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သည္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးအရ ၾကပ္တည္းေနသည္။ ျမန္မာပေဒ သရာဇ္မ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ပြဲ မၾကာခဏ ျဖစ္ပြားေနသည့္ ရာဇာဓိရာဇ္ကုိ ဆက္ခံေသာ သားေတာ္ ဗညားဓမၼရာဇာလက္ထက္တြင္ ညီေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ မသင့္မတင့္၍ အင္းဝမွ ဆင္ျဖဴ႐ွင္ သီဟသူရမင္း ဝင္ေရာက္တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္းကုိ ခံရ၏။ ထိုအခါ ဒဂုန္မင္း ဗညားရံက ႏွမေတာ္ ႐ွင္ေစာပု(ရာဇာဓိရာဇ္၏သမီး)ကုိ ဆက္၍ စစ္ၿငိမ္းေစသည္။ (ေပမူမ်ားတြင္မူ ဒဂုန္တုိက္စဥ္ ႐ွင္ေစာပုကုိ ဖမ္းမိၿပီး အင္းဝသုိ႕သီဟသူရ ျပန္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ စကားခ်ပ္)ဟံသာဝတီတြင္ ရာဇာဓိရာဇ္မ႐ွိသည့္ေနာက္ ထီးေမြနန္းေမြး ကိစၥမ်ား ႐ႈပ္ေထြးလာသည္၊ သုိ႕ေသာ္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ျမန္မာပေဒသရာဇ္ စစ္ပြဲမျဖစ္သည္မွာ ဗညားဓမၼရာဇာ (၁၄၂၃ - ၁၄၂၆)၊ ဗညားရံ (၁၄၂၆ - ၁၄၄၆)၊ ဗညာဖ႐ူး (၁၄၄၆ - ၁၄၅၀)၊ ၁၄၅၀- ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဗညားဖ႐ူး အနိစၥေရာက္ၿပီး အင္းဝဘုရင္ နရပတိထံသုိ႕ သြားေရာက္ခုိလႈံေနေသာ ဟံသာဝတီ ဗညားဓမၼရာဇာ၏ သားေတာ္ ဗညားက်န္းအား နရပတိက ဆင္ႏွစ္ရာ၊ ျမင္းေလးေထာင္၊ စစ္သူရဲ ေလးေသာင္းႏွင့္ ၾကပ္မတ္ နန္းတင္သည္။ ဟံသာဝတီ (ပဲခူး)ကုိ ဆက္လက္စုိးစံေသာ လိတ္မြတ္ေထာမင္း (ေအဒီ - ၁၄၅၃)၊ ဘုရင္မ ႐ွင္ေစာပု (၁၄၅၃ - ၁၄၇၂)၊ ဓမၼေစတီမင္း (၁၄၇၂ - ၁၄၉၂) တုိ႕လက္ထက္တြင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာယာမႈ ႐ွိသည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ အႏွစ္ - ၄၀ စစ္ပြဲေၾကာင့္ ယုိယြင္းေနေသာ မြန္ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ အဖက္ဖက္မွ ျပန္လည္ျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ရ မည့္အစား ေထရဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကုိင္း႐ူိင္းေသာ မင္းဆက္မ်ားျဖစ္၍ သာသနာေရးကိစၥမ်ားကုိ အေလး ေပးေဆာင္႐ြက္ၾကသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားသည္ ရာဇယတနလင္းလြန္းပင္ရင္း ၄၃ ရက္ပတ္လုံး သမာပတ္ဝင္စား၍ ေနေတာ္မူၿပီး ႐ွစ္ရက္ေျမာက္ေသာေန႕၌ ရာမညတုိင္းမွ မြန္ကုန္သည္ညီေနာင္ တဖုႆ - ဘလႅိကတုိ႕ကႂကြက္က်စ္မုံ႔၊ ပ်ားမုံ႕တုိ႕ကုိ ကပ္လႉ၏။ ျမတ္စြာဘုရား႐ွင္ကလည္း ဆံေတာ္ျမတ္မ်ားအား ေပးအပ္သျဖင့္ ရာမညတုိင္းသုိ႕ ယူလာသည္။ ရာမညတုိင္းသုိ႕ ေရာက္ေသာအခါ မြန္ဘုရင္ ဥကၠလာပက သိဂုၤတၲရကုန္းေတာ္၌ ေစတီတည္ထားကုိးကြယ္သည္။ ထုိဘုရား သည္ ပ်က္စီးယုိယြင္းေနျခင္းကုိ ျပန္လည္ျပဳျပင္ေသာလုပ္ငန္းကုိ လူအင္အား၊ ပစၥည္းအင္အားတုိ႕ျဖင့္ ေဆာင္႐ြက္သည္။ မြန္ဘုရင္ ဗညာက်န္းေထာ (၁၄၅၀ - ၁၄၅၃) လက္ထက္၌တြင္ ဥာဏ္ေတာ္ ၂၁၆ - ေတာင္၊ ၂ - မုိက္၊ ၅ - သစ္အထိသာ ၿပီးသည္။
ဤသုိ႕ ေကာင္းမူကုသုိလ္ျပဳလုပ္ေနရသျဖင့္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕၏ စည္း႐ုံးေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကုိ ျပဳစု ပ်ိဳးေထာင္ရန္ ပ်က္ကြက္ခ့ဲသည္။ ဓမၼေစတီမင္း (၁၄၇၂ - ၁၄၉၂) ကုိ သားေတာ္ ဗညားရံ (၁၄၉၂ - ၁၅၂၆) က လုပ္ႀကံ၍ ထီးနန္းသိမ္းယူသည္။ ယင္းလက္ထက္တြင္ အင္းဝ ဒုတိယမင္းေခါင္၏သစၥာခံ ေတာင္ငူစား မင္းႀကီးညိဳသည္ ဟံသာဝတီ ေက်းစပ္နယ္ပယ္ကုိ လာေရာက္ထိပါးသည္။ ဗညားရံ လြန္ၿပီး တကာ႐ြတ္ပိမင္း (၁၅၂၆ - ၁၅၃၉) လက္ထက္တြင္ အင္အား ခ်ိနဲ႕ေသာ နန္းတြင္းအေရးေတာ္ပုံေၾကာင့္ စည္းလုံးမႈ ၿပိဳကြဲေနေသာ ဟံသာဝတီ (ပဲခူး) ကုိ အင္အားႀကီးမားလာေသာ ေတာင္ငူ တပင္ေ႐ႊထီးက တုိက္ခုိက္သိမ္းပုိက္ခ့ဲသည္။
မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာဘုရင္မ်ား၏အအုပ္အခ်ဳပ္ခံဘဝသုိ႕ တကာ႐ြတ္ပိမင္းလက္ထက္ (၁၅၃၉)မွစ၍ က်ေရာက္ သြားသည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ က်ေရာက္သြားသျဖင့္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားတုိ႕၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမႈေရး၊ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွွာလည္း ေမွးမွိန္သြားရသည္။ ထုိ႕ေၾကာင့္ မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားသည္ မိမိႏုိင္ငံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျဖစ္ေသာ ပေဒသရာဇ္မ်ား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ေအာက္တြင္ ျပန္လည္ေတာ္လွန္္ၾကသည္။ တပင္ေ႐ႊထီး (၁၅၃၉ - ၁၅၅၀) လက္ထက္တြင္ မြန္တုိ႕သည္ ဒလ၊ ဒဂုန္၊ သံလွ်င္ စေသာေဒသမ်ားတြင္ လူစုၿပီး ပုန္ကန္ၾကသည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ ပုန္ကန္ေနစဥ္အတြင္း သမိန္ေစာတြတ္က တပင္ေ႐ႊထီးအား လုပ္ႀကံၿပီး ဟံသာဝတီတြင္ နန္းစံသည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ အမတ္တုိ႕က ဆန္႕က်င္ၿပီး နန္းခ်ကာ သမိန္ေထာရာမကုိ နန္းတင္ျပန္္သည္။ ဘုရင့္ေနာင္သည္ သမိန္ေထာရာမကုိ ၁၅၅၁ ႏွစ္တြင္ တုိက္ခုိက္ၿပီး ဟံသာဝတီ(ပဲခူး) ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကုိ ျပန္လည္၍ ျမန္မာ ပေဒသရာဇ္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္တည္ေထာင္ခ့ဲသည္။
ထုိသုိ႕ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀၀ ေက်ာ္မွ် မြန္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ့ဲရာမွ ၁၇၄၇ - ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဗညားဒလ ဟံသာဝတီ (ပဲခူး) တြင္ ထီးနန္းစုိက္ထူသည္။ ဗညားဒလအရင္ သမိန္ေထာက မြန္တုိ႕အား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း သမိန္ေထာက ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ မေပးေတာ့သျဖင့္ ဗညားဒလကုိ နန္းတင္သည္။
(မြန္တုိ႕သည္ အင္းဝ၏ၾသဇာကုိ မနာခံေတာ့ဘဲ သီးျခားႏုိင္ငံ ထူေထာင္ၾကသည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ ထူေထာင္ၿပီးေနာက္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မည့္ မင္းကုိ ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္ရာ အင္းဝအႏြယ္တစ္ဦးအား ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္ၾကသည္၊ ထုိမင္းသည္ တုိင္းေရးျပည္ေရး ကုိ ေကာင္းစြာ ဂ႐ုမစုိက္သျဖင့္ ၎၏ေယာက္ဖျဖစ္သူ ဗညားဒလအား နန္းတင္သည္။) (ဗုိလ္မွဴးဘ႐ွင္ ေရး၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသမုိင္း၊ စာ-၂၁၂)
ဗညားဒလသည္ ၁၇၅၂ - ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အင္းဝကုိ သိမ္းယူၿပီး ျမန္မာပေဒသရာဇ္ မဟာဓမၼရာဇာဓိပတိကုိ ဟံသာဝတီသုိ႕ ေခၚ ေဆာင္ခ့ဲသည္။ မြန္စစ္သူႀကီး တလဗန္းကုိ အင္းဝတြင္ တပ္စြဲေစခ့ဲသည္၊ ျမန္မာပေဒသရာဇ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေအာင္ေဇယ်သည္ လူသူစုၿပီး အင္းဝကုိ ျပန္လည္၍ တလဗန္းလက္မွ တုိက္ယူ၍ ေအာက္ျပည္သုိ႕ စုန္ဆင္းကာ ၁၇၅၇ - ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဟံသာဝတီ(ပဲခူး)ကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္သိမ္းပုိက္သျဖင့္ မြန္ပေဒသရာဇ္ေခတ္သည္ ေနာက္ဆုံး နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္ခ့ဲရသည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ မြန္အမ်ိဳး သားတုိ႕သည္ ပုန္ကန္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း မေအာင္ျမင္၊ အႀကီးဆုံးေသာ ပုန္ကန္မႈမွာ သံလွွ်င္ၿမိဳ႕စား သမိန္မ႐ူးဘြဲ႕ခံ ေမာင္စပ္၏ ပုန္ကန္မႈမွာ အျပင္းထန္ဆုံး ျဖစ္သည္။ ပုန္ကန္မႈမေအာင္ျမင္၍ အဂၤလိပ္ပုိင္ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္တြင္ သြားေရာက္၍ အဂၤလိပ္ထံတြင္ ခုိလူံသည္။
ေအဒီ - ၁၇၅၇ တြင္ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ မြန္ႏွင့္ျမန္မာ ပေဒသရာဇ္တုိက္ပြဲသည္ ယခင္က့ဲသုိ႕ ပေဒသရာဇ္တန္ခုိး အာဏာစြမ္းရည္ ၿပိဳင္သည္ထက္ ေက်ာ္လြန္သြားၿပီး အမ်ိဳးသားဖိႏွိပ္ေရးအသြင္သုိ႕ ေဆာင္လာသည္။ မြန္စာေပမ်ားသည္လည္း ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း ခံရသည္၊ စစ္႐ႈံးမြန္တုိ႕သည္ ယုိးဒယားျပည္သုိ႕ အမ်ားအျပား ေျပးဝင္ခုိလႈံၾကသည္။ မြန္တုိ႕ဌာနီ ရာမညေဒသတြင္လည္း လူသူမ့ဲေသာေဒသ ျဖစ္လာသည္။ လယ္ယာ ထြန္ယက္သူမ႐ွိ၍ လယ္ေကာလယ္႐ုိင္းမ်ား ျဖစ္လာသည္။ ၿဗိတိသွ် နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ သမားသည္ ပထမအဂၤလိပ္ - ျမန္မာစစ္ပြဲအၿပီးတြင္ တနသၤာရီတုိင္းႏွင့္ ရခုိင္တုိင္းကုိ ၁၈၂၆ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႕ တြင္ ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိေသာ ရႏၲပုိစာခ်ဳပ္အရ ရ႐ွိသည့္အရင္း႐ွင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈသည္ ပေဒသရာဇ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈထက္ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္း သျဖင့္ ယုိးဒယားသုိ႕ ေျပးဝင္သြားေသာမြန္တခ်ဳိ႕ ျပန္လာၿပီး ဟံသာဝတီ(ပဲခူး)တြင္ စတင္ ေနထုိင္လုပ္ကုိင္ စားေသာက္္ၾကသည္။ ယိုးဒယား (ထုိင္းလင္း)တြင္ မြန္အမ်ားစုကုိ မဲေခါင္ျမစ္ဝကြၽန္းေပၚ၊ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ တဝုိက္တြင္ ယခုထက္တုိင္ ေတြ႕႐ွိ ႏိုင္သည္။

Contact Us

Contact:
665 Sherman
Akron, OH, 44311, U.S.A
330 7612431 (အရွင္ Sanda Thura)
Tel: (330) 2034334 (Soeng Kha @ Min Lwin)
Tel: (330) 2454442 (Banya Suriya)
Email: soengkha.lwin@gmail.com
www.monakron.co.nr, www.akronmon.org